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Digital Hate monthly report 24 February 2026

January 2026 - Digital Hate Monthly Report

Report on Hate Speech and Misinformation Found in Myanmar in January

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Cover: January 2026 - Digital Hate Monthly Report
In this report
  1. Introduction
  2. Research Methodology
  3. Monitoring Activities
  4. Findings
  5. The figure illustrating types of hate speech
  6. The figure illustrating the number of hate speech targets
  7. Keywords used by hate speech writers
  8. Distribution by Platform
  9. Conclusion

1Introduction

The spread of hate speech and misinformation across social media and other communication channels in Myanmar has the potential to intensify ethnic, religious, and political tensions and to heighten conflicts within communities. In January, hearings related to genocide allegations were held at the International Court of Justice (ICJ). In connection with these proceedings, hate speech rejecting the possibility of Rohingya legal success was observed among both supporters and opponents of the military.

This report systematically monitors and analyzes hate speech incidents that occurred in Myanmar, examining their primary sources, dissemination patterns, affected vulnerable social groups, and potential impacts.

The study focuses primarily on violent or inciting content, ethnic and religious insults, and strongly polarized political rhetoric appearing on widely used social media platforms, including Facebook, TikTok, and Telegram. In addition, it proposes legal, technological, and community-based measures necessary to prevent and counter hate speech.

The report also documents how hate speech trends evolved during January in relation to Myanmar’s current political, economic, and social conditions. These findings are intended to serve as a useful reference for peacebuilders, media practitioners, policymakers, and civil society organizations.

2Research Methodology

Hate speech is inherently rooted in emotional expression and subjective sentiment, it does not have a universally accepted definition. For this report, the Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN) defines hate speech as follows:

"Hate speech refers to any form of expression, verbal, written, behavioral, or artistic, that targets an individual or group to express severe criticism, condemnation, or to incite hostility and hatred toward characteristics that should be protected. This includes attacks on fundamental rights and identity, such as religion, language, gender, sexual orientation, citizenship, ethnicity, skin color, beliefs, or physical appearance."

Based on the findings of this study, hate speech is further categorized into the following types:

  • Criminalisation: Portraying specific groups as inherent criminals or "sinners."
  • Dehumanisation: Stripping individuals of their human qualities or dignity.
  • Oppressive Speech: Language used to exert dominance over or bully marginalized groups.
  • Incitement: Direct calls for violence, riots, or civil unrest.
  • Existential Threat: Characterising specific groups as a fundamental threat to the existence of others.
  • Glorification: The celebration or promotion of acts of violence and hatred.

In the context of Myanmar’s ongoing political and military tensions, BHRN continuously monitors and documents hate speech terminology disseminated by the military and its associated propaganda channels.

1Data Collection

Monitored Platforms: Data is gathered from Facebook, TikTok, and Telegram channels.

Content Categories:

  • Hate speech related to ethnicity, religion, politics, and gender.
  • Content inciting violence and discrimination.
  • Harmful misinformation and inciting posts

2Data Approach

  • Manual Monitoring: Members of the Hate Speech Monitoring Team systematically review and verify specific keywords, phrases, images, and videos to ensure a high level of accuracy in documentation.

3Data Analysis

  • Thematic Classification: Content is grouped into specific themes—such as ethnicity, religion, and politics to identify recurring patterns of targeting.
  • Spread Measurement: Engagement (likes, shares, comments) and reach on social media platforms are measured.
  • Identification of Key Perpetrators: The study identifies specific groups and individuals responsible for disseminating hate speech, while assessing their level of influence and broader social impact.

4Ethical Considerations

  • Data Confidentiality: All monitored and documented information is stored securely. BHRN adheres to a strict policy that prohibits the disclosure of data to the public or unauthorised individuals.

5Limitations

  • Platform Coverage: It is not possible to comprehensively monitor all social media platforms
  • Encryption Challenges: Some online activities occur on encrypted communication platforms, which pose significant challenges for effective tracking and monitoring.
  • Authenticity and Impact: The prevalence of fake accounts and bots complicates assessing the genuine social impact accurately

3Monitoring Activities

This report was compiled by monitoring online and print media used by the military junta and its supporters to disseminate hate speech. During January 2026, BHRN conducted a monitoring exercise with the following results:

  • Facebook: monitored 3 groups, one page, and 13 accounts; identified 47 instances of hate speech.
  • Telegram: Monitored 24 Channels; identified 38 instances of hate speech.
  • TikTok: Monitored 24 Accounts; identified 19 instances of hate speech.
  • Print Media: Monitored 2 newspapers and 1 journal.

Overall, during January, a total of 104 instances of misinformation and hate speech were documented. The findings are presented using tables, graphs, and clear descriptive text. This report further analyses the root causes and impacts of hate speech, offering recommendations for prevention and mitigation. Due to significant limitations in achieving comprehensive coverage of the social media landscape, this report may miss undocumented hate speech incidents.

Key Findings

1Targeted Groups

  • Rohingya people are repeatedly targeted through coordinated attacks that portray them as criminals, labeling them as “illegal Bengalis” who allegedly entered from Bangladesh.
  • Muslims are subjected to discriminatory and religiously offensive content, including hate speech that labels them as Islamic extremists and uses derogatory slurs and demeaning stereotypes.
  • Women are targeted with gender-based hate speech that includes dehumanizing language, sexual harassment, the disclosure of personal information (doxxing), and defamatory allegations intended to damage their dignity and safety.
  • Armed organizations and resistance groups, including the Arakan Army (AA), the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), and the People’s Defence Force (PDF) units, are portrayed as criminals through accusations of drug trafficking, theft, terrorism, murder, robbery, and rape, with the intent of inciting hatred within society.

2Methods of Disseminating Hate Speech and Disinformation

  • Hate speech targeting Muslims and Rohingya people is disseminated across social media platforms such as Facebook, TikTok, and Telegram in various formats, including posts, videos, and cartoons, promoting ethnic, religious, and political hatred.
  • The Arakan Army, Kachin Independence Army, and People’s Defence Force are depicted as criminal gangs, terrorists, thieves, and rapists to spread hate and delegitimize their activities.
  • The circulation of false news and misinformation is used to deliberately foster suspicion and distrust among the general public.

3Impacts

  • In connection with proceedings at the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the spread of ethnic- and religion-based hate speech and threats against Rohingya people and Muslims has intensified communal hatred, undermining peacebuilding efforts and obstructing democratic transition.
  • Public hostility toward the Arakan Army (AA), Kachin Independence Army (KIA), and People’s Defence Force (PDF) members has increased as a result of sustained hate campaigns.
  • Women’s safety and dignity have been compromised, and activists face threats and harassment both online and offline.

4Findings

Spread of Hate Speech Following The Gambia’s Case Against Myanmar

The genocide case filed by The Gambia against Myanmar at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) has led to an increase in hate speech within domestic online and media environments. In particular, intense ethnic and religious hate speech targeting Rohingya people and Muslims has emerged, including hostile rhetoric describing the ICJ as engaging in “political interference.”

Some hate narratives have invoked the justification of “protecting national interests” to spread dehumanizing portrayals of a particular ethnic group, combining misinformation and incitement. Supporters of the ICJ process, human rights organizations, and journalists have also been targeted with accusations, labeling them as “destroyers of the nation.”

Although the ICJ case is fundamentally a legal matter, it has intensified ethnic polarization within the country. The spread of hate speech has further deepened distrust and extremist attitudes among different communities.

The current coup leader, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, has also openly used anti-Muslim rhetoric. During a speech delivered on a trip to Shan State, he reportedly used a derogatory term referring to Muslims, according to coverage by state-run media. While Myanmar is defending itself against genocide allegations at the ICJ, his discriminatory remarks drew increased criticism from human rights observers. Source: Burma Independent Voice

(See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (1))

Findings

Following his remarks, supporters of the military council began widely repeating the same slur. Pro-military news presenter Kyaw Soe Oo used the same terminology on his personal Facebook page, spreading hate speech portraying Muslims and Rohingya as terrorists. Source: Kyaw Soe Oo

(See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (2))

Findings

An announcement calling for a protest opposing the ICJ case on January 27 in Yangon and Mandalay was circulated by nationalist activist Ma Poe Ei (also known as Ma Pu Tu) via her Telegram channel “MaharThway.” The invitation included a recitation of a poem that mocked Muslims using derogatory language. Source: Mahar Thway post

(See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (3))

There were also claims that the ICJ proceedings were part of a political plot by a religious group against the country. A Facebook account belonging to Bagi Thein Win posted that if Myanmar were to lose the case, Rohingya people could gain citizenship and the country might become an Islamic state, portraying Muslims as terrorists. Source: Bagi Thein Win

(See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (4))

Findings

While the ICJ case concerning alleged genocide against the Rohingya in northern Rakhine State is a judicial process, it has contributed to increased nationalist, ethnic, and religious hate speech within Myanmar. This trend is particularly evident on platforms such as Facebook and Telegram, where political hate speech has visibly expanded into broader ethnic and religious hostility.

Dissemination of Hate Speech Against Ethnic Armed Organizations

In January, the spread of hate speech targeting ethnic armed organizations continued. A post on a Telegram channel based in Naypyidaw shared an image of an injured member of the People’s Defence Force (PDF) and used derogatory language to mock him and portray him as unfit to be a soldier. Source: Naypyidawl (See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (5) )

The same channel also claimed that environmental damage in the Mali River, the headwaters of the Irrawaddy River in Kachin State, caused by gold miners, was the result of actions by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). The post used demeaning language and portrayed KIA members as terrorists. Source: Naypyidaw

(See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (6))

A Telegram channel reported that the Arakan Army (AA) was recruiting pregnant Chin women and local women in Paletwa, Chin State, claiming that local women were frightened as a result. The post framed the AA as terrorists and suggested that Chin armed groups should take action against them. Source: Sit Thwe

(See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (7))

Findings

A cartoon illustration circulated on Telegram alleged that People’s Defence Forces in Sagaing Region were engaging in immoral and criminal activities for personal gain. The accompanying captions used degrading language and portrayed PDF members as terrorists. Source: Cartoon Maga

(See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (8))

Findings

Coverage of clashes between junta forces and AA troops in Kyaukphyu, Rakhine State included hate speech in reports of AA casualties. A Telegram channel described AA members using dehumanizing terms. Source: Hmwe Wai

(See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (9))

Findings

Reporting on the junta’s seizure of a KIA base in Lamyang village, Waimaw Township, Kachin State, also contained hate speech. A Telegram channel mocked KIA members using insulting and derisive language. Source: Naypyidaw (See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (10))

Dissemination of Hate Speech Against Rohingya

Since the resumption of proceedings in The Gambia concerning the investigation into alleged genocide against the Rohingya, the spread of hate speech targeting the Rohingya people has increased again. A Facebook account belonging to Bagi Thein Win posted hate content claiming that the Rohingya were granted space in Myanmar by a previous democratic government, and mockingly suggested that the military coup occurred because of this. The post included derisive language portraying the Rohingya as terrorists. Source: Bagi Thein Win (See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (11))

A Facebook account operated by Ye Ko Naing spread hate speech, claiming that Rohingya do not exist in Myanmar and alleging that they were brought in by British colonial authorities. The posts used mocking and derogatory expressions toward the Rohingya. Source: Ye Ko Naing

(See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (12))

Findings

Another post from Bagi Thein Win’s Facebook account described Rohingya as terrorists who had illegally entered Myanmar, again using ridicule and demeaning language to frame them as violent actors. Source: Bagi Thein Win

(See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (13))

Findings

The same account also circulated additional hate speech portraying the Rohingya as perpetrators of killings against the Rakhine people and Hindus, using inflammatory language that mocked and dehumanized them. Source: Bagi Thein Win (See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (14))

A TikTok account belonging to Shinthant Phyu shared hate speech portraying the Rohingya issue as an ethnic conflict. The post claimed that Rohingya do not exist in Myanmar and mocked differences in physical appearance to incite hostility between ethnic groups. Source: Shinthant Phyu

(See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (15))

Findings

Dissemination of Hate Speech Against Muslims

The Myanmar Immigration Department is widely reported to impose various forms of restrictions on Muslims living in the country. However, nationalist monk Pauk Sayadaw posted on his Telegram channel about a routine application submitted by the wife of a junta soldier for the replacement of a lost citizenship card, claiming that such requirements would not apply if the applicant were Muslim. The post contained mocking and derogatory expressions directed at Muslims. Source: Pauk Sayadaw (See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (16))

A Facebook account named Nyein Chan Par Say spread hate speech while denying the existence of Rohingya in Myanmar, referencing Muslims’ religious prohibition against eating pork and using this point to ridicule Muslims through disparaging language.

Source: Nyein Chan Par Say

(See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (17))

Findings

A Facebook account operated by Ni Min Shin reshared news about a fire at Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh and used the incident to disseminate hate speech portraying Muslims as terrorists and global threats. Source: Ni Min Shin

(See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (18))

Findings

Dissemination of Hate Speech Against Women Across Sectors

A Telegram channel run by Ka Ka Han spread hate speech targeting female members of the People’s Defence Force (PDF), claiming they acted as servants to their superiors. The posts used degrading language, portraying them as sexual slaves and domestic servants in an apparent attempt to discredit the resistance movement. Source: Ka Ka Han (See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (19))

The same channel also targeted women who joined armed resistance groups to oppose military rule, portraying them as morally corrupt and claiming they were infected with sexually transmitted diseases. The posts used mocking and demeaning expressions aimed at humiliating women in armed groups. Source: Ka Ka Han

(See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (20))

Findings

A Telegram channel operated by Aung Min shared content describing the alleged punishment of female PDF members at a resistance camp and accompanied it with sexually abusive and mocking language directed at the women. Source: Aung Min

(See the translation of the attached link below the conclusion (21))

5The figure illustrating types of hate speech

The figure illustrating types of hate speech

6The figure illustrating the number of hate speech targets

The figure illustrating the number of hate speech targets

7Keywords used by hate speech writers

Keywords used by hate speech writers

8Distribution by Platform

Distribution by Platform

9Conclusion

During January, the spread of hate speech across online and media environments in Myanmar remained high due to the country’s political situation, armed conflicts, and social developments. In particular, the resumption of hearings at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) led to a noticeable increase in hate speech targeting individuals with differing political views, as well as a rise in ethnic slurs and threatening language.

In addition, religious organizations supportive of the military issued separate statements expressing support for the military delegation defending the country at the ICJ against allegations of genocide. Following elections organized by the military, the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won, and nationalist extremists previously known for promoting hate speech became members of parliament. Under these circumstances, reducing hate speech has become an urgent necessity for social cohesion in Myanmar.

The posts below are hate speech documented by BHRN. They are translated here only as evidence for this report.

Translation (1)

Military leader Min Aung Hlaing uses the hate speech term “kalar terrorist.”

21 January — Burma Independent Voice

Military leader Min Aung Hlaing, who is currently facing trial at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) over genocide allegations against the Rohingya, used the racist slur “kalar terrorist” in a junta propaganda newspaper.

He remarked on January 20 while meeting families of military officers at the Eastern Central Command headquarters in southern Shan State. He said the military had suppressed not only Kuomintang incursions but also “kalar terrorists” while defending against foreign threats.

Even while under pressure at the ICJ over genocide accusations, the military group continues to use such racist language in its propaganda media. In addition, ultranationalist organizations backed by the military, such as Ma Ba Tha, are reportedly preparing to support the junta delegation attending the ICJ proceedings.

During the NLD government in 2020, directives were issued condemning hate speech to prevent violence. However, the coup leader is now reverting to old tactics of exploiting racial hatred to divide the public and conceal the regime’s failing military and political situation.

Photo caption:

“Military leader Min Aung Hlaing uses the hate speech term ‘kalar terrorist.’”

Translation (2)

Kyaw Soe Oo wrote on 24 Jan:

“Terrorist kalars — you terrorist kalars trying to turn our Myanmar country into a terrorist kalar nation will end up crying and crawling back to Bangladesh. Listen to what I say, you terrorist kalars.”

Translation (3)

Nationalist Ma Putu incites hatred while reciting a poem in a video:

Rise up, Myanmar! O people of Myanmar!

They plot with lies and deception. Those Kalar Sot (Rubbish Muslim) have slipped into our land, our soil, insulting us and making false accusations, taking the case to the ICJ, seeking to bring charges against us.

O rightful heirs born of Myanmar, do not bow your heads—have pride in your heritage. Let the world witness the brave, fervent blood of Myanmar.

Rise up, Myanmar! O people of Myanmar!

Translation (4)

Bagi Thein Win wrote:

“If Myanmar loses at the ICJ, they will give citizenship and territory to the Bengali illegal-immigrant kalars, raise them like livestock, and prepare for the Myanmar people to wear skullcaps. Hating a group isn’t the issue. If we can’t take Malaysia and Indonesia as examples, we’ll suffer. By then, we’ll already be dead.”

Translation (5)

NayPyiDaw wrote:

“The discipline and dignity of the Gangaw PDF Spring Revolution fighters can’t even be compared to the mangy flea-bitten dogs in the village. Disgusting.”

Translation (6)

NayPyiDaw wrote:

“This is a photo of the Mali River being dug up by the KIA. The photo was sent today from near the upper Tianzup area. The muddy water flowing into the river shows they’re mining gold in the stream. They’re dredging both the main river and the tributary.

The large metal rafts seen are scraping the riverbed and dumping the sand back into mid-river. So the entire riverbed is being destroyed, and major changes to the river’s course will occur. There are hundreds of these rafts in the Mali River. Soon, the river will be ruined.

Why don’t those who talk about ecosystem destruction, environmental damage, and fish extinction speak up about this?

These are the destructive acts of the drug-dealing KIA that river lovers pretend not to see or hear.”

Translation (7)

Sit Thway reports news from KIMO MEDIA titled:

“Residents alarmed as ULA/AA forcibly conscripts women, including mothers and pregnant women, in Sami Township.”

Caption:

“The AA terrorist group is forcibly threatening and abducting local Chin women, including pregnant women and mothers, for recruitment in Sami Township, Chin State, causing fear among residents… Shockingly, Chin armed groups can just watch while the AA terror group abuses and abducts Chin women like this.”

Translation (8)

Cartoonist Maga wrote with the caption:

“Terrorist PDF groups in Sagaing Region are profiting by trafficking drugs, begging for donations, extorting money, robbing people, and using the proceeds to go to KTVs and massage parlors to indulge themselves with prostitutes.”

Translation (9)

“Near Chaung Mraung village in Kyaukphyu Township, the terrorist drug-dealing or Khe War (dog) AA were burned like this.”

— Hmwe Wai

Translation (10)

“Drug-dealing KIA terrorists from Lamyan village, Waingmaw Township, were wiped out and retreated in a daze. They left behind 2 grenade launchers, 4 bazooka rounds, 14 grenades, 300 bullets, 11 magazines, and 3 helmets as ‘donations.’”

Translation (11)

Bagi Thein Win wrote:

“(I don’t even want to say this.) Which government gave space in Myanmar to the illegal Bengalis calling themselves Rohingya? It was the NLD. Look back at history. That’s why they got overthrown. I speak briefly.”

Translation (12)

Ye Ko Naing wrote:

“There are 135 ethnic groups in Myanmar; the Rohingya are not included. Those called Bengalis were only slaves brought by British colonialists when they occupied Myanmar. Therefore, there is no Rohingya ethnicity in Myanmar, and Bengalis are not citizens but slaves brought by colonialists.”

— Ye Ko Naing, 88 Generation Nationwide Network (Myanmar)

Translation (13)

“I’m not among those mourning Mother Kyaw Dwe. The Bengali illegal terrorists want to make all Myanmar wear skullcaps, and there are still so many fools who don’t realize it.”

Reply comment:

“They sneak into other countries, too. They commit terrorism, fake their ethnicity, and try to seize territory. Terrorists that can’t be accepted.”

Translation (14)

Bagi Thein Win shared:

“Video showing Bengali illegal kalars who entered Rakhine State brutally killing Rakhine and Hindu people and burning homes. The genocide committed by Bengalis against Hindus is being covered up. More than 100 Hindus were brutally killed, and women were raped and murdered.”

Translation (15)

Title: “If they insult, we’ll insult back.”

Shinthant Phyu wrote:

“There are only Bengalis, no Rohingya. It’s a conflict between yellow-skinned and dark-skinned invaders. Red or green politics has nothing to do with it.”

Translation (16)

A monk named Pauk Sayardaw reposted:

“Immigration officials in Kalaw have no empathy. A young girl came to report her lost ID card. Because she didn’t pay money, they told her to bring a copy and sent her away. The girl’s husband has been fighting on the front lines for the country for almost two years. If it were a Muslim kalar, they’d even call him father.”

Caption:

“When I went to replace my lost ID, they said I had to bring a copy of the lost card, so I should follow a thief, and should I beg for my ID back?”

Translation (17)

“Nyein Chan Par Say” wrote:

“There is no such thing as Rohingya in Myanmar—only non-pork-eaters who sneaked in like dogs.”

Image caption:

“Where did the fake ethnic name come from? Protecting the dignity of the Union — Myanmar and ICJ discussion panel.”

Translation (18)

Ni Min Shin wrote:

“Don’t you believe yet that wherever kalars are, there’s no peace? They’re pests that destroy the world. That’s why they want more rights.”

Image caption:

“Fire at Rohingya refugee camp near Bangladesh border.”

Translation (19)

Ka Ka Han reposted:

“PDF members are dying for traitors to prosper and are even used as servants for terrorist leaders. Female PDF members not only have to sexually entertain leaders but also cook, wash clothes, iron, and do housework. From a life of comfort at home, they’ve become servants of traitors—is it worth it?”

Image caption:

“Young people arriving at the border are treated like saviors at first, but once taken into homes, they’re exploited; if rice is plentiful, they’re treated one way, if it runs low, they’re treated like beggars. Such people exist not only at the border but also in the jungle. I’ve experienced it myself…”

Translation (20)

Ka Ka Han wrote:

“Those who lost morality in the revolution. Why are there so many scandals, sexual misconduct, lies, and violence in the camps? Because when people escape pressure into liberated areas, they become overly happy and indulge in freedom like children left home alone.

Some units hide terrible news. For example, a father and daughter supposedly fled together but were caught naked at night; the girl, ashamed, shouted rape. Later, it turned out she was brought from Myawaddy. When a teacher suspected her frequent illness and tested her, she had HIV. When questioned, several soldiers admitted to relations, and some were infected. The doctor tested them because she caught a medic stealing supplies with the girl…

Male and female PDFs in the jungle behave wildly, and some male PDFs even hire prostitutes from KTVs and massage parlors to take turns with them, so many PDFs are reportedly now infected with STDs.”

Translation (21)

Aung Min wrote:

“The lives of PDF girls are beaten day and night with a stick, whether good or bad, only soft or hard. Pretty terrible, isn’t it?”

About BHRN

Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN) is based in London, operates across Burma/Myanmar and works for human rights, minority rights and religious freedom in Burma. BHRN has played a crucial role in advocating for human rights and religious freedom with politicians and world leaders.

Media enquiries

Kyaw WinExecutive DirectorBurma Human Rights Network (BHRN)This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.+44(0) 740 345 2378
Ye MinEditorThis email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.+66(0) 994 942 358
Wai YanResearcherThis email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.
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